Far from apologising for India’s eagerness to get economic advantage from Vladimir Putin’s illegal war, Subrahmanyam Jaishankar openly relishes the prospect of getting more
Mr Kissinger reserved particular praise for India’s foreign minister, Subrahmanyam Jaishankar—calling him “the practising political leader that is quite close to my views”. To discuss the geopolitical oddity that India’s rising power represents, Mr Jaishankar sat down withFormerly India’s top diplomat , Mr Jaishankar is one of the brains behind India’s balancing act. Besides the familiar diffidence about alliances, he espouses above all a commitment to multipolarity.
Under its urbane first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, India was known for demanding a more moral world order. It can now sound like the world’s most untrammelled realist. In truth, the change is not that marked. India was not so much virtuously “non-aligned” as simply marginal to world affairs, because it was weak and introspective.
The emergence of new great powers—for now China and arguably India; in future perhaps Brazil, Indonesia and Nigeria—is making geopolitics more complicated and prone to the sorts of contradictions and trade-offs that Indian foreign policy embraces. India is not only maintaining its lucrative relationship with Russia as a hedge against the West. It also considers its partnership with Russia a means to limit Russian support for its two major adversaries, Pakistan and China.
Some American strategists are already questioning India’s utility on security. As the chief proponent of the civil-nuclear co-operation deal that America negotiated with India in 2005, Ashley Tellis, now of the Carnegie Endowment, a think-tank in Washington, was instrumental in the bilateral rapprochement. Yet, in a recent essay inentitled “America’s bad bet on India”, he sought to temper American hopes that India will be a pivotal security partner.
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